问题 问答题 简答题

婴幼儿如何进行情绪的自我调节?

答案

参考答案:

情绪自我调节的发展是从依赖他人帮助的外部调节逐渐转化为内部的自我调节的过程。当婴儿会爬或行走时,就会主动远离那些引起他们不愉快的刺激,以调节自己的情绪。1岁时,婴儿开始使用其他一些策略来减少不愉快的冲动,如摇晃自己的身体、用嘴咬东西和避开引起他们不愉快的人或事物。婴儿1岁后,随着言语能力的发展,成人开始用语言表达对婴儿的要求,在这种要求下,婴儿可以逐渐学会控制自己的情绪。婴儿也学会用言语表达自己的情绪,引导成人帮助他们调节情绪。他们还经常能够找到可以有效引发养护者注意和安抚恐惧的表达方式。

从2岁起,婴幼儿开始有意识地控制那些让他们感到不舒服的人和物,他们也开始通过与同伴对话、玩玩具或是远离让他们不愉快的事物去应对挫折,控制自己的情绪。

单项选择题

When Newsweek recently asked 1,000 U. S. citizens to take America’s official citizenship test, 29 percent couldn’t name the vice president. Seventy-three percent couldn’t correctly say why we fought the Cold War. Forty-four percent were unable to define the Bill of Rights. And 6 percent couldn’t even circle Independence Day on a calendar.

Don’t get us wrong: civic ignorance is nothing new. For as long as they’ve existed, Americans have been misunderstanding checks and balances and misidentifying their senators. And they’ve been lamenting the ignorance of their peers ever since pollsters started publishing these dispiriting surveys back in Harry Truman’s day. According to a study by Michael X. Delli Carpini, dean of the Annenberg School for Communication, the yearly shifts in civic knowledge since World War II have averaged out to "slightly under 1 percent. "

But the world has changed. And unfortunately, it’s becoming more and more inhospitable to incurious know-nothings—like us. To appreciate the risks involved, it’s important to understand where American ignorance comes from. In March 2009, the European Journal of Communication asked citizens of Britain, Denmark, Finland, and the U.S. to answer questions on international affairs. The Europeans outdid us. It was only the latest in a series of polls that have shown us lagging behind our First World peers.

Most experts agree that the relative complexity of the U. S. political system makes it hard for Americans to keep up. In many European countries, parliaments have proportional representation, and the majority party rules without having to "share power with a lot of subnational governments," notes Yale political scientist Jacob Hacker. In contrast, we’re saddled with a nonproportional Senate; a tangle of state, local, and federal bureaucracies; and near-constant elections for every imaginable office (judge, sheriff, school-board member, and so on). "Nobody is competent to understand it all, which you realize every time you vote," says Michael Schudson, author of The Good Citizen. "You know you’re going to come up short, and that discourages you from learning more. "

It doesn’t help that the United States has one of the highest levels of income inequality in the developed world, with the top 400 households raking in more money than the bottom 60 percent combined. As Dalton Conley, an NYU sociologist, explains, "it’s like comparing apples and oranges. Unlike Denmark, we have a lot of very poor people without access to good education, and a huge immigrant population that doesn’t even speak English. " When surveys focus on well-off, native-born respondents, the U. S. actually holds its own against Europe.

For more than two centuries, Americans have gotten away with not knowing much about the world around them. But times have changed—and they’ve changed in ways that make civic ignorance a big problem going forward. We suffer from a lack of information rather than a lack of ability. Whether that’s a treatable affliction or a terminal illness remains to be seen. But now’s the time to start searching for a cure.

America’s civic ignorance()

A. is largely attributable to its unwillingness to learn

B. can not be corrected by any kind of method

C. has become an affliction in the fast-changing world

D. can be traced back to its rising dominance in the world’s affairs

单项选择题