问题 论述题

高中毕业的小龙,在征兵工作开始后准备应征入伍。可他的父亲说:“不能去当兵。当兵两年,既学不到技术,也考不上军校,提不了干,更挣不到钱,退伍后地方政府也不给安排工作,什么也得不到,还不如出去打两年工,起码可以挣几万元。”小龙一边是亲情,一边是报国之情,他陷入了两难的境地……

(1)小龙应该怎么做?为什么?(6分)

(2)你认为公民应怎样以实际行动履行法定义务?(6分)

答案

(1)向父亲做说服工作。(2分)因为依法服兵役是公民应尽的义务,每个公民都应当自觉履行服兵役的光荣义务。每个公民都应该有强烈的爱国热情,同时又有强烈的公民观念、义务观念和法律观念,能够正确处理家庭与志向的关系。(4分)(2)法律鼓励做的,我们积极去做;法律要求做的,我们必须去做;法律禁止做的,我们坚决不做。(6分)

本题考查对自觉履行义务的理解。第一问中面对小龙的困境可以向父亲做说服工作,主要从依法服兵役是每个公民应尽的义务角度作答;第二问考查公民如何履行法定义务可从法律鼓励做的积极去做,法律要求的必须去做等角度作答即可。

单项选择题
单项选择题

Soon after his appointment as secretary-general of the United Nations in 1997, Kofi Annan lamented that he was being accused of failing to reform the world body in six weeks. "But what are you complaining about" asked the Russian ambassador. "You’ve had more time than God." Ah, Mr. Annan quipped back, "but God had one big advantage. He worked alone without a General Assembly, a Security Council and [all] the committees."

Recounting that anecdote to journalists in New York this week, Mr. Annan sought to explain why a draft declaration on UN reform and tackling world poverty, due to be endorsed by some 150 heads of state and government at a world summit in the city on September 14th-16th, had turned into such a pale shadow of the proposals that he himself had put forward in March. "With 191 member states", he sighed, "it’s not easy to get an agreement."

Most countries put the blame on the United States, in the form of its abrasive new ambassador, John Bolton, for insisting at the end of August on hundreds of last-minute amendments and a line-by-line renegotiation of a text most others had thought was almost settled. But a group of middle-income developing nations, including Pakistan, Cuba, Iran, Egypt, Syria and Venezuela, also came up with plenty of last-minute changes of their own. The risk of having no document at all, and thus nothing for the world’s leaders to come to New York for, was averted only by marathon all-night and all-weekend talks.

The 35-page final document is not wholly devoid of substance. It calls for the creation of a Peacebuilding Commission to supervise the reconstruction of countries after wars; the replacement of the discredited UN Commission on Human Rights by a supposedly tougher Human Rights Council; the recognition of a new "responsibility to protect" peoples from genocide and other atrocities when national authorities fail to take action, including, if necessary, by force; and an "early" reform of the Security Council. Although much pared down, all these proposals have at least survived.

Others have not. Either they proved so contentious that they were omitted altogether, such as the sections on disarmament and non-proliferation and the International Criminal Court, or they were watered down to little more than empty platitudes. The important section on collective security and the use of force no longer even mentions the vexed issue of pre-emptive strikes; meanwhile the section on terrorism condemns it "in all its forms and manifestations, committed by whomever, wherever and for whatever purposes", but fails to provide the clear definition the Americans wanted.

Both Mr. Annan and, more surprisingly, George Bush have nevertheless sought to put a good face on things, with Mr. Annan describing the summit document as "an important step forward" and Mr. Bush saying the UN had taken "the first steps" towards reform. Mr. Annan and Mr. Bolton are determined to go a lot further. It is now up to the General Assembly to flesh out the document’s skeleton proposals and propose new ones. But its chances of success appear slim.

The author’s attitude toward the UN final document is ()

A. biased

B.indifferent

C. skeptical

D. impartial