问题 单项选择题

Some people talk about immigration in terms of politics, some in terms of history. But the core of the matter is numbers. The Labor Department says that immigrants make up about 15 percent of the work force. It’s estimated that a third of those are undocumented workers. The Pew Hispanic Center estimates that one in four farmhands in the United States is an undocumented immigrant, and that they make up a significant portion of the people who build our houses, clean our office buildings and prepare our food.

America has become a nation dependent on the presence of newcomers, both those with green cards and those without. Business leaders say agriculture, construction, meatpacking and other industries would collapse without them.

Sure, it would be great if everyone were here legally, if the immigration service weren’t such a disaster that getting a green card is a life’s work. It would be great if other nations had economies robust enough to support their citizens so leaving home wasn’t the only answer. But at a certain point public policy means dealing not only with how things ought to be but with how they are. Here’s how they are: these people work the jobs we don’t want, sometimes two and three jobs at a time. They do it on the cheap, which is tough, so that their children won’t have to, which is good. They use services like hospitals and schools, which is a drain on public coffers, and they pay taxes, which contribute to them.

Immigration is never about today, always about tomorrow, an exercise in that thing some native-born Americans seem to have lost the knack for: deferred gratification. It’s the educated man who arrived in the Washington D. C., area and took a job doing landscaping, then found work as a painter, then was hired to fix up an entire apartment complex by someone who liked his work ethic. He started his own business and wound up employing others. Does it matter that he arrived in this country with no work visa if he is now supporting the nation’s economy

If any towns, whose aging populations were on the wane before the immigrants arrived, succeed in driving newcomers away, those who remain will find themselves surrounded by empty storefronts, deserted restaurants and houses that will not sell. It’s the civic equivalent of starving to death because you don’t care for the food. But at least everyone involved can tell themselves their town wasted away while they were speaking English.

The example of the young man in Washington D.C. has shown that ()

A. all the illegal immigrants can be successful

B. it doesn’t matter whether an immigrant is legal if he can contribute to the country

C. only educated immigrants can support the development of US economy

D. a work visa is necessary for foreigners to get a job in the US

答案

参考答案:B

解析:

本题为观点态度题。作者列举年轻人的例子是为了说明.“Does it matter that he arrived in this country with no work visa if he is now supporting the nation’s economy”,从一个成功范例说明是否拥有工作签证对于能否对于美国经济作出贡献并无太大影响。因此选B。

单项选择题
单项选择题

阅读下面短文,回答下面问题。
树是一部活档案,树干的年轮就是历史的记录。1901年,美国人道格拉斯发现居住地附近新近砍伐留下的树桩上,都有相同的图案纹理,譬如说,这些树木年轮的外面三圈都较宽,这表明近3年居住地附近环境与气候条件较好,树木生长较快。担相反的结论也可以由此得出。这个发现促使道格拉斯致力于树木年乾的深入研究。他用“同一地区,同时期年轮模式相同”的假设,以“接龙”的方式,来推算老树的初生年份。比如,有一棵被砍伐的百年古树,其砍伐年代不详,但是它的年轮中有一圈与当地一棵1864年砍下的大树的年轮最外圈相吻合。由于最外圈是被砍伐当年的年轮,因此这相吻合的一圈为1864年的年轮。由此向内按每进一圈是一年的方法推算,就可以算出这棵树大约哪一年栽种的。
一些科学家还根据年轮推算出发生过酸雨的年份。哥伦比亚大学的雅格比解释说,随着树木越长越老,年轮也变得越来越窄,而酸雨对树木恰恰起着相反的作用。年轮还可以记录下火山爆发与地震。火山爆发时,大量灰尘与气体进入同温层,遮住了阳光,这会使温度降到冰点以下,给树木留下一道叫做“霜轮”的特殊标记。东印度群岛坦波拉山爆发曾使1816年成了“没有夏天的一年”,这个标记甚至出现在南非的树木上。地震也可以给树木造成损害,使树在以后的一些年中形成较窄的年轮。由此看来,倘若说树木年轮“泄漏天机”,似乎并不为过。
(佚名《年轮》)

道格拉斯提出假设的主要事实依据是:

A.居住地附近新近被砍伐的树木年轮。

B.树木年轮的图案纹理都相同。

C.年轮的宽窄能体现环境与气候条件不同的结论。

D.“接龙”的方式可以验证这个假设。