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汉语文学的新阶级

——第八届“茅盾文学奖”获奖作品综论

陈晓明

  2011年夏天,第八届茅盾文学奖落下帷幕,张炜的《你在高原》、刘醒龙的《天行者》、莫言的《蛙》、毕飞宇的《推拿》、刘震云的《一句顶一万句》五部长篇小说摘得桂冠。

  本届茅盾文学奖固然有各种经验可以总结,但我以为最为重要的一点,就是评委们能从对中国文学的贡献的角度出发来评判作家的成就和作品的文学价值,这就把茅盾文学奖推到一个历史性的高度,也就是为中国文学立标杆,为往圣传精神,为未来寻道路。我个人以为,这次评选出的五部作品,基本可以担此重任。

  很长时间以来,我们为中国长篇小说的思想性不够深厚而困扰,但我们要什么样的思想性,却并不清晰。上世纪80年代中国小说的思想性依赖时代精神,90年代才开始以个体为本位展开思想性探究,直至21世纪,中国作家对历史的反思和生命体验的感悟,这才开始有个人的坚实性和深刻性。如莫言的《蛙》对生命存在的透视,刘震云的《一句顶一万句》对农民的自我醒觉意识的描述,张炜的《你在高原》对50年代人的注视与历史反思,都给人强烈的触动。

  自白话文学运动以来,中国现代文学就深受西方的影响,历经五六十年代受前苏联社会主义现实主义创作方法的影响,在80年代则转向借鉴欧美西方现代主义的文学经验。但90年代以来,中国长篇小说在思想上和表现方法方面,也到传统文学中寻求资源。获奖作家们在这方面做得颇为突出。他们的作品已经不再那么鲜明地看到西方文学的直接痕迹,西方与中国传统,都转化为个人更为内在的文学经验,更为自然地融会于小说叙事中。

  80年代的长篇小说,因为时代反思性背景的同一化,以及现实主义创作方法的规范化,长篇小说的艺术风格其实是颇为整齐接近的。90年代的个人化叙事,不只是为思想的非同一性建立起开放的语境,同时为表现方法的多样化提供了可能的空间。仅就这五部获奖作品来看,张炜的主观化的昂扬叙述与毕飞宇的客观化的冷峻叙述相去甚远;而同是诡异莫测的叙述,《蛙》的多文本策略与《一句顶一万句》的分岔延异式的叙述大异其趣,但都让人感受到独辟蹊径的高妙。就是毕飞宇在冷峻中透出的光亮与刘醒龙在苍凉中显现的温馨也是各具韵味。

  当然,这五部以及当今汉语长篇小说,无疑还存在这样或那样的缺点不足,例如,长篇小说的艺术构思和叙述的推动机制问题,如何在更为复杂的思想层面反映现实和反思历史,如何更真实更深刻地表现人物性格和命运等等,依然要面对严峻的挑战,要做出艰苦的努力。从这个角度来说,本届茅奖评奖也为这些不足提供了集中呈现的平台。

1.请简要概括本文的行文思路。

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2.作者认为,第八届茅盾文学奖评奖对中国文学的发展有怎样的意义?

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3.从第八届茅盾文学奖获奖作品来看,当今汉语长篇小说取得了哪些成就?请概括作答。

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答案

1.首先,交代第八届茅盾文学奖五部获奖作品;其次,高度评价了本届茅盾文学奖的重大意义;再次,从五部获奖作品的思想性和艺术风格等方面综论当今汉语长篇小说的成就;最后指出当今汉语长篇小说的不足。

2.以历史性的高度,为中国文学立标杆,为往圣传精神,为未来寻道路;为当代汉语长篇小说的不足提供了集中呈现的平台。

3.思想深刻(或 “坚实深刻”);融合传统,贯通中西;风格多样,个性鲜明(或“叙事个人化”)。(意思对即可,语言要有概括性)。

单项选择题
单项选择题

It was the best of times or, depending on your political and philosophical outlook, one of the foulest and most depraved. Rebellion seemed to be leaping from city to city, continent to continent, by some fiery process of contagion. Radical students filled the streets of Mexico city, Berlin, Tokyo, Prague. In the U. S. , Chicago swirled into near anarchy as cops battled antiwar demonstrators gathered at the Democratic Convention. And everywhere from Amsterdam to Haight-Ashbury, a generation was getting high, acting up.

So, clearly, it was the year from hell--a collective "dive into extensive social and personal dysfunction," as the Wall Street Journal editorialized recently. Or, depending again on your outlook, a global breakthrough for the human spirit. On this, the 25th anniversary of 1968, probably the only thing we can all agree on is that ’68 marks the beginning of the "culture wars," which have divided America ever since.

Both the sides of the "culture wars" of the ’80s and ’90s took form in the critical year of’68. The key issues are different now--abortion and gay rights, for example, as opposed to Vietnam and racism--but the underlying themes still echo the clashes of ’68: Diversity vs. conformity, tradition vs. iconoclasm, self-expression vs. deference to norms. "Question authority," in other words, vs. "Father knows best."

The 25th anniversary of ’68 is a good time to reflect, calmly and philosophically, on these deep, underlying choices. On one hand we know that anti-authoritarianism for its own sake easily degenerates into a rude and unfocused defiance: Revolution, as Abbie Hoffman put it, "for the hell of it." Certainly ’68 had its wretched excesses as well as its moments of glory: the personal tragedy of lives undone by drugs and sex, the heavy cost of riots and destruction. One might easily conclude that the ancient rules and hierarchies are there for a reason--they’re worked, more or less, for untold millenniums, so there’s no point in changing them now.

But it’s also true that what "worked" for thousands of years may not be the best way of doing things. Democracy, after all, was onee a far-out, subversive notion, condemned by kings and priests. In our own country, it took all kinds of hell-raising, including a war, to get across the simple notion that no person is morally entitled to own another. One generation’s hallowed tradition--slavery, or the divine right of kings--may be another generation’s object lesson in human folly.

’68 was one more awkward, stumbling, half-step forward in what Dutschke called the "long march" toward human freedom. Actually, it helped inspire the worldwide feminist movement.

Different generations of Americans may be best divided with regard to()

A. their world outlook

B. long-held traditions

C. their own privileges

D. social institutions