Many in the Middle East have difficulty in adjusting themselves to the new situation created by the departure of the imperial powers. For the first time in almost 200 years, the rulers and people of the Middle East have to accept the final responsibility for their own affairs, to make their own mistakes and to accept the consequences. This is difficult to internalize, even to perceive, after so long a period. For the entire lifetimes of those who formulate and conduct policy at the present time and of their predecessors for many generations, vital decisions were made elsewhere, ultimate control lay elsewhere, and the principal task of statesmanship and diplomacy was as far as possible to avoid or reduce the dangers of this situation and to exploit such opportunities as it might from time to time offer. It is very difficult to forsake the habits not just of a lifetime but of a whole era of history. The difficulty is much greater when alien cultural, social and economic preeminence continues and even increases, despite the ending of alien political and military domination.
Military and to a growing extent political intervention by the West has indeed ended, but the impact of its science and culture, its technology, amenities and institutions remains and even increases. As in other parts of the non-Western world, this impact has been and will be enormous. In these circumstances, it is natural that Middle Easterners should continue to assume—and proceed on the assumption—that real responsibility and decision still lie elsewhere. In its crudest form, this belief leads to wild and strange conspiracy theories directed against those whom they regard as their enemies—Israel, and more generally the Jews, the United States, and more generally the West. No theory is too absurd to be asserted or too preposterous to be widely and instantly believed. Even among more responsible statesmen and analysts, a similar belief in alien power, albeit in a less crude form, often seems to guide both analysis and policy. Some even go so far as to invite outside intervention, presumable in the belief that only outside powers have the capacity to make and enforce decisions. A case in point is the constant appeal to the United States to involve itself in the Arab Israel conflict, oddly coupled with the repeated accusation of "American imperialism. "
This state of mind is likely to continue for some time, with appeals for support or even intervention to the United States, to Russia and even to the European Union. In time, no doubt, Middle Eastern governments and people will learn how to use this window of opportunity to the best advantage—that is, of course, if the window remains open long enough.
It is natural for Middle Easterners to assume that（）
A. their real enemies are the Western countries
B. no countries can save them but their own
C. it is up to their leaders, not the ordinary people, to make decisions
D. other countries should come to their help in times of urgency
参考答案：D
解析：
[考点] 事实细节
本题考查对原文细节的准确理解。第二段最后三句提到，甚至连那些更有责任心的政治家和分析家也相信外来力量的作用——尽管形式已经与过去不一样，这似乎左右着他们的分析和政策。有人甚至要求外来势力的干预，这样做也许是因为他们相信，只有外来力量才能做出并实施决策。一个典型例证是在阿拉伯人和以色列的冲突中，中东人如何依赖美国的干预。由此可以得知，选项D为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 选项A，文中确实提到了以色列和美国是中东人所认定的敌人，但是并没有说明原因，所以不能说中东人认定他们真正的敌人是西方国家是顺理成章的，因此错误。选项B，第一段开头就提出中东人要适应自己为自己的事务承担最终责任这件事绝非易事，甚至意识到这一点也不容易。第二段第三句：在这种情况下，中东人继续认定真正的责任和决定权都在别人那里，并且按照这一想法行事顺理成章，可以得知中东人还没有意识到只有他们自己能救自己，因此错误。选项C，文中强调的是中东人习惯于被外部势力所统治，由外部势力来为自己做决定，并没有提到国内百姓和领导人对这一问题的分歧，因此错误。