问题 单项选择题

1949年11月,毛 * * 在给华中局等单位的电报中指出,“你们必须将这种市的县的各界人民代表看成是团结各界人民,动员群众完成剿匪反霸,恢复与发展生产,恢复与发展文化教育直至完成土地改革的极重要的工具”。

这反映出新中国初期()

A.政治协商成为统战的重要方式

B.民主政策深得民心

C.人民代表大会制度已初步形成

D.中央允许地方自治

答案

参考答案:A

单项选择题

It’s a cliche—but true—that a huge obstacle to a per economic recovery is the lack of confidence in a p recovery. If consumers and businesses were more confident, they would be spending, hiring and lending more freely. Instead, we’re deluged with reports suggesting that, because the recession was so deep, it will take many years to regain anything like the pre-crisis prosperity. Just last week, for example, the McKinsey Global Institute released a study estimating that the country needs 21 million additional jobs by 2020 to reduce the unemployment rate to 5 percent. The study was skeptical that this would happen. Pessimism and slow growth become a vicious cycle.

Battered confidence most obviously reflects the ferocity and shock of the financial collapse and the ensuing recession, including the devastating housing collapse. But there’s another, less appreciated cause: disillusion with modern economics. Probably without realizing it, most Americans had accepted the fundamental promises of contemporary economics. These were: First, we know enough to prevent another Great Depression; second, although we can’t prevent every recession, we know enough to ensure sustained and, for the most part, p recoveries. These propositions, endorsed by most economists, had worked themselves into society’s belief structure.

Embracing them does not preclude economic disappointments, setbacks, worries or risks. But for most people most of the time, it does preclude economic calamity. People felt protected. If you stop believing them, then you act differently. You begin shielding yourself, as best you can, against circumstances and dangers that you can’t foresee but that you fear are there. You become more cautious. You hesitate more before making a big commitment-buying a home or car, if you’re a consumer; hiring workers, if you’re an employer; starting a new business, if you’re an entrepreneur; or making loans, if you’re a banker. Almost everyone is hunkered down in some way.

One disturbing fact from the McKinsey report is this: The number of new businesses, a traditional source of jobs, was down 23 percent in 9,010 from 2007; the level was the lowest since 1983, when America had about 75 million fewer people. Large corporations are standoffish. They have about $2 trillion of cash and securities on their balance sheets, which could be used for hiring and investing in new products.

It’s not that economics achieved nothing. The emergency measures thrown at the crisis in many countries exceptionally low interest rates, "stimulus" programs of extra spending and tax cuts—probably averted another Depression. But it’s also true that there’s now no consensus among economists as to how to strengthen the recovery. Economists suffer from what one of them calls "the pretense-of-knowledge syndrome." They act as if they understand more than they do and presume that their policies, whether of the left or right, have benefits more predictable than they actually are. It’s worth remembering that the recovery’s present slowdown is occurring despite measures taken to speed it up.

So modern economics has been oversold, and the public is now disbelieving. The disillusion feeds stubbornly low confidence.

Were they more open-minded about economic calamities, people would().

A.take care not to trigger them in the first place.

B.become more cautious in making purchase decisions.

C.become less hesitant in economic activities.

D.feel more protected from unforeseeable dangers.

问答题 案例分析题

材料:

一向受到冷落的传统文化,仿佛突然峰回路转、柳暗花明了。近年来,文化遗产争夺战可谓烽烟四起、高潮迭出。

遗憾的是,这并不能代表可喜的民族文化自觉与文物保护意识增强。在志在必得的“文化激情”背后.是利益驱动下“遗产经济学”的精细打算——“每挖掘一个名人故里,就可以开发一个旅游景点.带来可观的经济收入”。

将文化遗产视为地方经济的“摇钱树”,这样的观念,在目前的中国已经有了很多现实注脚。不少已经夺得文化遗产“归属权”的地方,以创收为核心,将文化演变为商业,大张旗鼓地进行着杀鸡取卵似的经营。

这当然不是传统文化的“利好”,而是历史文化的灾难。

当三江并流、都江堰、武当古刹等文化古迹传出“过度开发”的消息,当几乎每一种有魅力的文化都必有浩浩荡荡却毫无魅力的新建“伪文化”,甚至每一部古典文化名著,都演化为一座荒唐可笑的娱乐场时,不仅观众失去了文化的共鸣,历史文化也在被切割、破坏和颠覆。值得关注的是,这些年来,“遗产经济学”有了新的表现形式。在许多愈演愈烈的文化名人争夺战中,人们频繁看到当地政府的身影。

由于地方政府的高调介入与认同.一些耗资巨大的标志性“文化符号”也应运而起。“帝尧故里”争夺战中,临汾修建了“中 * * 文明之门”的华门,这座出手不凡的大制作从规模到设计处处“天下第一”。

政府参与社会事业的文化构建,本没有错。但问题是,这样的建设应当以公共文化服务为重点。面对此起彼伏的“争夺战”与“伪文化”浪潮,政府本应做正确的引导,为何却成了推波助澜的主导?

实际上,逐步升格的“崇古活动”与不断新建“文化标记”,已经成为一些地方新一轮面子工程的集体亮相。在光大传统、发展文化的口号之下,一些官员的心中,不仅有对经济效益的图谋,更有对“政绩收益”的盘算。他们用行政拨款下注,看能否博取更大的利益,创造经济、文化、政治的多赢。

让经济利用,被政治挟持,结果是,以文化为名义的文化行动,非但没有为社会繁荣带来推力,没有增强我们的历史文化意识,反而推助了急功近利、唯利是图的社会风气,加剧了好大喜功、铺张浪费的官场恶习,留下了沉重的文化欠债和社会成本。

这恐怕是“遗产经济学”更大的后患!

(选自卢新宁《遗产经济学的文化后患》,有删改)

为什么在一些地方出现了“文化遗产争夺战”与“伪文化”建设浪潮?