问题 单项选择题

某城市郊区有一30层的一般钢筋混凝土剪力墙结构房屋,如图所示,设计使用年限为50年,地面以上高度为100m,迎风面宽度为25m,100年重现期的基本风压w0=0.65kN/m2,50年重现期的基本风压w0=0.50kN/m2,风荷载体型系数为1.3。

按承载能力设计时,确定高度100m处幕墙骨架围护结构的风荷载标准值(kN/m2),与下列何项数值最为接近()

提示:幕墙骨架围护结构面积为40m2

A.1.616

B.1.584

C.1.389

D.1.288

答案

参考答案:B

解析:

查《建筑结构荷载规范》表8.6.1,取βgz=1.50

H=100m,查《荷载规范》表8.2.1,取,μz=2.00;μsl=1.0-(-0.2)=1.2(外表面为1.0,内表面为-0.2),幕墙骨架围护面积40m2大于25m2,取μsl=0.8×1.2=0.96

又根据《建筑结构荷载规范》8.1.2条条文说明,及高层规程4.2.2条条文说明,取w0=1.1×0.50=0.55kN/m2

w=βgzμslμzw0=1.50×0.96×2.00×0.55=1.584kN/m2

确定局部风压体型系数μsl时,应注意区分迎风面和背风面,以及外表面、内表面取值。

单项选择题
单项选择题

It is true, as the movement critics assert, that the present women’s liberation groups are almost entirely based among "middle class" women, that is, college and career women; and the issues of psychological and sexual exploitation and, to a lesser extent, exploitation through consumption, have been the most prominent ones.

It is not surprising that the women’s liberation movement should begin among bourgeois women, and should be dominated in the beginning by their consciousness and their particular concerns. Radical women are generally the post war middle class generation that grew up with the right to vote, the chance at higher education and training for supportive roles in the professions and business. Most of them are young and sophisticated enough to have not yet had children and do not have to marry to support themselves. In comparison with most women, they are capable of a certain amount of control over their lives.

The higher development of bourgeois democratic society allows the women who benefit from education and relative equality to see the contradictions between its rhetoric (every child can become president) and their actual place in that society. The working class woman might believe that education could have made her financially independent but the educated career woman finds that money has not made her independent. In fact, because she has been allowed to progress halfway on the upward-mobility ladder she can see the rest of the distance that is denied her only because she is a woman. She can see the similarity between her oppression and that of other sections of the population. Thus, from their own experience, radical women in the movement are aware of more faults in the society than racism and imperialism. Because they have pushed the democratic myth to its limits, they know concretely how it limits them.

At the same time that radical women were learning about American society they were also becoming aware of the male chauvinism in the movement. In fact, that is usually the cause of their first conscious 100 verbalization of the prejudice they feel; it is more disillusioning to know that the same contradiction exists between the movement’s rhetoric of equality and its reality, for we expect more of our comrades.

This realization of the deep-seated prejudice against themselves in the movement produces two common reactions among its women: 1) a preoccupation with this immediate barrier (and perhaps a resultant hopelessness), and 2) a tendency to retreat inward, to buy the fool’s gold of creating a personally liberated life style.

However, our concept of liberation represents a consciousness that conditions have forced on us while most of our sisters are chained by other conditions, biological and economic, that overwhelm their humanity and desires for self-fulfillment. Our background accounts for our ignorance about the stark oppression of women’s daily lives.

According to the text, what might a lot of women do when they realize the prejudice in their movement()

A. Fight more Bravely to get real equality with men

B. Become hopeless and pretend to live their own happy life

C. Buy some gold so as to store enough money for themselves

D. Retreat from the movement and focus on better education