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Americans’ (1) impulses keep generating surprises. Charitable giving plays an even larger role in the (2) . Demand for nonprofit services gets proportionately bigger as a locality’s (3) rises. The philanthropy of the wealthy may not hinge on tax (4) to the degree many believe. The US (5) the world in levels of charitable activity. Some experts see charity as a (6) trait of the US, more than (7) or business. But those forces may be (8) , as many nonprofits, from healthcare to classical music are selling (9) in a marketplace alongside for-profit (10) . Charity is no mere (11) activity. It pays off for society in ways that may (12) the rates of return on many traditional investments. Charity not only helps those on the (13) end but also strengthens the (14) of society at large. Moreover, it appears to make the givers themselves more (15) . The pattern that conservatives are better givers than (16) is less about politics than about charity-linked (17) most common to conservatives, religious commitment, marriage and children, and entrepreneurship. The main point is that more Americans, regardless of ideology, embrace giving as a tool for (18) . The urge to make a difference, and to take (19) in it, outweighs (20) considerations.

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参考答案:charitable

解析:[听力原文] 1-20
Everybody knows Americans are big givers. But their charitable impulses keep generating surprises. Consider just a few conclusions from recent research: Charitable giving plays an even larger role in the economy than is suggested by some $ 260 billion in annual contributions. Demand for nonprofit services gets proportionately bigger, not smaller, as a locality’s income rises. The philanthropy of the wealthy may not hinge on tax incentives to the degree many believe. In one new survey, a majority of wealthy givers say they would contribute the same amount if the estate tax were abolished.
These disparate studies are shedding light not just on who gives but also on why they give and what their actions mean to society. Experts say that by understanding charity better, Americans can learn how to encourage more giving. The result would probably be a healthier and wealthier society.
One thing that’s long been known: The US leads the world in levels of charitable activity. The pattern runs from the rich, steeped in long tradition of philanthropy, to the poor. Those making $20,000 or less a year give away more, as a share of their income, than do higher income groups. Americans donate their time as well as money—some $150 billion worth annually. Some experts see charity as a defining trait of the US, more than consumerism or business. But those forces may be intertwined. For one thing, many nonprofits from healthcare to classical music are selling services in a marketplace alongside for-profit rivals. By many measures, they are successful. As personal incomes rise in a given county, the income of nonprofits seems to rise even faster, says an associate economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. This suggests that not-for-profit activities are what economists call a "superior good", something people want to buy more of or donate more to as their incomes rise.
Yet ties between charitable ventures and the economy hardly end there. Dr. Brooks points to evidence that charity is no mere peripheral activity. It pays off for society in ways that may transcend the rates of return on many traditional investments. Why Firstly, it’s not just that charity helps those on the receiving end, says Brooks, an economist at Syracuse University in New York. It also strengthens the cohesion of society at large. Moreover, it appears to make the givers themselves more successful, possibly because the activity transforms them somewhat into better or happier people. Whatever the reasons, he finds that higher income tends to push up charity, and that greater charity tends to push up income.
Another provocative conclusion is that conservatives are better givers than liberals—a theme that is likely to draw close scrutiny. This pattern is less about politics than about charity-linked lifestyles that are most common to people who call themselves conservatives: religious commitment, marriage and children, and entrepreneurship.
Still, Brooks’s main point is that more Americans, regardless of ideology, should embrace giving as a tool for progress. He quotes proverbs- "One man gives freely, yet gains even more; another withholds unduly, but comes to poverty."
Many who do charitable work can relate to that. Pier Brown works in public relations, but her passion is what she does for free as the founder of Culture at Home, a support group near Washington, D.C., for mothers who are home-schooling their kids. Her story echoes some of the common forces that motivate people to give time or money to charity: First, she identifies with challenges facing home-school morns. In her case, the feeling is amplified because she herself is one of those moms. Second, she wants to make a difference. Third, she draws satisfaction from the effort to help. These forces are among the core motivations that foster actions of generosity beyond the sphere of one’s family circle.
The urge to make a difference, and to take satisfaction in it, outweighs monetary considerations. For example, a survey of 945 ultra-rich individuals found that slightly more than half would give the same amount regardless of whether the estate tax or deductions for charitable giving were repealed. None of this means that tax policy is trivial for charitable giving. But the survey suggests that Americans’ penchant for giving isn’t driven primarily by tax breaks.

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