问题 单项选择题

2003年,某省一次能源生产量为2223.4万吨标准煤,比上年增长6.7%,增速提高1.4个百分点,与1996年相比年均增长1.2%。多年来该省原煤产量一直在2500万吨左右徘徊,且后备资源有限,2006年原煤生产量为2760万吨,比上年增长168.5万吨,为近年产量较高年份。原油多年来一直维持在一百多万吨的水平,2003年生产量为166.4万吨,增长9.4万吨,天然气生产量为0.3亿立方米,增长0.1亿立方米,一次能源自给率为20.1%,已下跌至10年来最低点,其中原煤自给率为25.9%,比上年下降1.3个百分点,原油自给率仅为9.7%,下降1.7个百分点。
2003年,全省能源加工转换企业能源投入总量为8642.1万吨标准煤,比上年增长16.7%,二次能源生产总量为5359.2万吨标准煤,增长17.3%。原煤用于加工转换的总量为7902.4万吨,比上年增长14.5%,占全省原煤消费总量的74.1%,其投入量的81.2%是作为电煤用于火力发电,产出电力1334亿千瓦时,比上年增长14.3%。
2003年,全省原油加工量为1677.8万吨,比上年增长22.2%。其中:产出汽油255.2万吨,柴油434万吨,燃料油155.2万吨,液化石油气89万吨和石油制品571.2万吨,分别比上年增长16.2%、16.6%、37.2%、7%和11.9%。

由以上材料可知( )。

A.该省一次能源生产呈高速发展态势

B.该省的能源生产基本上能够满足本省经济发展

C.该省能源消耗以煤炭和石油为主,这两类能源主要用于加工转换、生产二次能源

D.该省是典型的能源输入型地区

答案

参考答案:C

解析: 从材料二、三段中可以知道该省能源消耗以煤炭和石油为主,这两类能源主要用于加工转换,生产二次能源。故选C。

问答题
单项选择题

In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to can’y out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experience. Prior knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound.

Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as protoscience. Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are lull of potential. But it takes collective scrutiny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery. This is the credibility process, through which the individual researcher’s me, here, now becomes the community’s anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point.

Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication process; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying technology. As a discovery claim works it way through the community, the interaction and confrontation between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual’s discovery claim into the community’s credible discovery.

Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect. Little reward accompanies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers. Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gy6rgyi once described discovery as "seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought." But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated.

In the end, credibility "happens" to a discovery claim—a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind. "We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other’s reasoning and each other’s conceptions of reason.

Which of the following would be the best title of the test()

A. Novelty as an Engine of Scientific Development

B. Collective Scrutiny in Scientific Discovery

C. Evolution of Credibility in Doing Science

D. Challenge to Credibility at the Gate to Science