问题 不定项选择

l 999年的彩电价格大战使得国内一些中小彩电生产厂商被迫退出了市场。,有一些生产厂商的市场占有率却在不断地提高,并逐渐地成长为国内彩电业巨头。A集团就是这一现象的典型代表。使A集团取得成功的因素很多,但值得一提的是它的坚固的销售网络。A集团为自己的客户建立了档案,并在分析这些资料的基础上,把自己的客户划分为主力客户、一般客户和零散客户,对其中的主力客户进行重点管理。在代理方式上采用了混合代理,一方面,设立分支机构对代理商进行指导与监督;另一方面,其分支机构又不具体从事销售事务,销售事务由代理商来进行。当然,在确定代理商时,A公司建立了一系列的标准,并且与代理商签订了严格的代理合同,根据合同的内容来控制代理商的行为。为了使代理商能与之相配合,A公司还采取了一定的激励措施,把25%的佣金率化解为以下几方面:如能保持适当的存货水平付给5%如能完成最低销售额付给5%如能较好地提供售后服务付给5%如能正确地报告顾客购买水平付给2.5%如能适当管理应收账款再付给2.5%如能较成功地进行广告宣传付给5%另一方面,A公司还在各大城市建立自己的连锁专营店,对销售网络进一步的渗透。随着A集团销售网络不断地扩大,A集团的彩电销售量不断上升,并在2004年坐上了彩电行业的第一把交椅。综上所述,A集团可以取得如此骄人的业绩,和它的渠道开发战略有着很大的关系。

下列属于4 S主义的是( )。

A.差别化

B.标准化

C.专业化

D.简单化

答案

参考答案:A,B,C,D

填空题
单项选择题

Work looks a better cure for poverty than welfare Especially as fewer and fewer countries will be able to afford to pay potential workers to stay at home a Victorian idea is back in favour: many poor people are better off when they are pulled back into the labour market. The idea revived first in the United States. There, in its harshest form, the unemployed work in exchange for welfare. But countries with governments to the left of America’s, including Labour Australia and Socialist France, are now also exploring ways to link income support and employment policy.

Coming from different directions, the right and the left are gradually finding new common ground. For the right, it seems deplorable to encourage the poor to rely on the state for cash, because they get hooked on government help and accustomed to being poor. For the left, it seems deplorable to allow workers to drop out of the job market for long periods, because it makes it harder for them to find new jobs. For both, the answer is to get the poor to work.

Most industrial countries have a two-tier system of social protection: a social-security scheme, where workers and their bosses make regular contributions in exchange for payments to workers when they are unemployed, sick or retired; and a safety-net, to give some income to those poor people who have exhausted their social insurance or who have none The former is usually not means-tested but, for the unemployed, is of limited duration; the latter is almost always tied to income The public tends to approve of contributory benefits, which is what designers of such schemes intended.

Safety-net benefits carry no such sense of entitlement, and are less popular. Yet they have grown more rapidly in large part because the 1980-82 recession increased the number of people of working age who had exhausted their right to contributory benefits. And an increasing proportion of the poor are people for whom the contributory systems were never designed: the young and lone mothers. In consequence, payments which carry a clear entitlement have become less significant, compared with those which appear to depend purely on state charity.

The rise in the bill for the unpopular kind of social protection comes at a time when governments want to curb state spending. It comes, too, at a time when many countries have done almost everything they can think of to protect the poor. A decade ago many on the left argued that poverty was usually caused by circumstances outside the control of the poor—a lack of jobs, disability, old age, racial discrimination, broken marriages. One way or another, governments have tried to tackle most of these problems. Still the poor remain.

A safety-net benefit system is one()

A. based on the recipient’s prior contributions

B. of limited duration

C. that depends on state charity

D. that pays according to the claimant’s social insurance